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The Scariest Part of the State of the Union Wasn’t Trump’s Speech

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I waited for TV pundits to announce the “pivot” and broadcast Donald Trump to be the one loyal boss after Tuesday night’s extensive State of the Union address. But with the difference of Fox News State TV, many were reduction loquacious than the last time he addressed a corner event of Congress. That’s not to contend that nobody was impressed. Some people were evidently scarcely brought to tears:

By now many Americans take what Trump says with a pellet of wait-and-see salt. There’s never been a boss in story for whom difference matter less. Nonetheless it’s worth reflecting on a few of the ideas in the speech, just to remind ourselves of his categorical objectives.

Trump is not a bipartisan leader. After a year that should be some-more than obvious. He is the many divisive boss in complicated memory in both character and substance. His debate did zero to change that. He claimed to offer “an open palm to work with Americans of both parties” but it’s as transparent as ever that he means to use that palm to slap down his opponents and toy his supporters.

Trump’s categorical issue was the same as the one he ran on in 2016: immigration. And he has not malleable his position or his tongue at all. In fact, he has turn even some-more xenophobic and is now pulling major curbs on authorised immigration, which was not a executive thesis until recently. He paints authorised as good as illegal immigrants as dangerous criminals and promises to finish the long-standing policy of family unification. Immigrants actually dedicate crimes at a dramatically reduce rate than native-born citizens, but Trump never let contribution get in the way of a good, pale story about how foreigners are ruining America.

Most depressingly, he framed the predicament of the Dreamers as competitors with working-class (white) America, dogmatic “Americans are dreamers too.” It’s not the first time he’s finished transparent that he doesn’t like immigrants using that term since in his mind it’s indifferent for honourable Americans, but it was still differing to hear all those Republicans whoop in enjoyment when he pronounced it.

Naturally the boss praised law enforcement, which had to be the weirdest moment of the night, deliberation the atmospherics that had engulfed Washington for the prior two days. After all, this is a boss deeply concerned in a flourishing liaison whose party has announced a electioneer against the FBI and the Department of Justice. It was surreal adequate to watch Donald Trump broach a State of the Union speech. To have him do it under the cloud of guess stemming from a counterintelligence review into his campaign and a successive coverup was officious disorienting.

It’s not the first time a boss has had to broach a State of the Union in the midst of a roiling liaison of course. Bill Clinton delivered his 1998 State of the Union as the Monica Lewinsky sum were first being splashed all over the media. Richard Nixon delivered his 1974 residence in the center of the Watergate scandal, about 6 months before he resigned. Clinton’s capitulation rating climbed as the office exhilarated up, mostly since Americans could see that the Republicans were using a pardonable matter for domestic ends and many people didn’t like it. It didn’t work that way for Nixon: The solid drip, drip, season of revelations were already holding their fee by the time he gave that last State of the Union speech, and things never got any better. Trump’s capitulation rating has been between 35 and 40 percent many of the year, the lowest for any first-year boss on record.

The events of the past couple of weeks, from the news that Trump had systematic the banishment of special warn Robert Mueller last summer to the reports of White House vigour on the Justice Department to “purge” career employees and the sudden depart of emissary FBI executive Andrew McCabe, prove that we have changed into a vicious new phase. Yesterday, House Intelligence Committee authority Rep. Devin Nunes, R-Calif., refused to say whether or not he had worked with the White House to ready the famous “memo” which, according to the Washington Post, Trump wants to recover as shortly as his inhabitant confidence group looks it over. (This wouldn’t be the first time Nunes has compromised his slip duties by colluding with the White House.)

Trump’s reason for wanting the memo expelled is that he believes it may yield grounds for him to fire another Justice Department official, Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein, who oversees Mueller. Rosenstein himself, along with FBI Director Christopher Wray, went to the White House personally on Monday, reportedly to interest to the arch of staff John Kelly to convince the boss not to recover the memo for inhabitant confidence reasons. Any bets as to how that’s going to go?

Nobody will be articulate about what Trump pronounced last night after today. It was just one some-more in a series of bad speeches filled with boasts, threats and dull promises. What people will be articulate about for some time to come, however, is the rapturous support he got from his own party. Presidents are always well-received by their own group at speeches to a corner event of Congress. But last night felt different. It was feverish and overstimulated, frightful in its intensity.

Perhaps the best way to entirely know that feeling is to review what future EPA director Scott Pruitt pronounced about Trump in 2016:

I consider he has tendencies that we see in rising countries around the universe where — he goes to the disaffected, those individuals. And says, “Look, you give me energy and we will give voice to your concerns.” … we trust that Donald Trump in the White House would be some-more violent to the Constitution than Barack Obama — and that’s observant a lot.

Pruitt released a matter this week after being reminded of those comments:

After assembly him, and now having the respect of operative for him, it is extravagantly transparent that President Trump is the many material personality of the time. No one has finished some-more to allege the order of law than President Trump. The boss has released the country from the domestic category and given America back to the people.

That expansion from regressive doubter to decorated flunky is representative of the expansion of the whole party. There is much about the Republican Party in this epoch that isn’t new. This is. It’s what potentially gives Donald Trump the energy to operative a loyal inherent predicament and get divided with it. He doesn’t have a infancy of the country behind him, but he doesn’t need it. He has a cupboard full of approbation men and a slavish infancy in Congress. They are happy to do his bidding.


Heather Digby Parton, also famous as “Digby,” is a contributing author to Salon. She was the leader of the 2014 Hillman Prize for Opinion and Analysis Journalism.

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