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‘The people are pursuit it a fake and stolen election’, pronounced Dr. Luther Castillo Harry, when we asked him about the late Nov election in Honduras. Castillo Harry, who was the National Commissioner of Ministry of Health in the Honduras, looks despairingly at his local country. The institutions in his country have succumbed to temptation and coercion. He nods his conduct in pain, meditative about how a multiple of the gentlefolk and the United States has suffocated Honduras.
The stream president, Juan Orlando Hernández, has broken whatever minimal legitimacy the state institutions once had. In 2012, as the conduct of the Honduran Congress, Hernández sacked 4 of the 5 Supreme Court justices and put in their place those constant to him. This Court, accessible to Hernández then suggested that the term boundary on presidential energy were ‘inapplicable’ to him. He could run for re-election in Nov 2017. When it became transparent that he was not winning the renouned vote, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) close down its system. Thirty-six hours later, when the opinion count appeared, Hernández was in the lead. He has now been announced the winner.
Castillo Harry’s despondency is not but basis. Things are so bad that even the Organization of American States, routinely happy to toe the US line, has been outspoken in its defamation of the stolen election. OAS asked Dr. Irfan Nooruddin of Georgetown University to demeanour at the TSE information and at the thespian opinion pitch that occurred over the 36-hour duration of silence. His report, published Dec 17, shows that there are vivid irregularities in the process. ‘The settlement of votes,’ Dr. Nooruddin writes, ‘is suspicious.’ He shows that the irregularities can't be explained ‘as pristine chance.’ This is unmitigated rigging.
Based on Nooruddin’s report, the OAS Secretary General, Luis Almagro, offering a many minute libel of the election. It is worth reading in full.
‘Deliberate human intrusions in the mechanism system, conscious rejecting of digital traces, the stupidity of meaningful the series of opportunities in which the complement was violated, pouches of votes open or lacking votes, the extreme statistical improbability with honour to appearance levels within the same department, recently printed ballots and additional irregularities, combined to the slight disproportion of votes between the two many voted candidates, make it unfit to establish with the required certainty the winner.’
This is as close to an cancellation of an election as one could get.
The person who ‘lost’ the stolen election, Salvador Nasralla of La Alianza de Oposición contra la Dictadura, the antithesis front, has called for a re-election. This is just what the OAS has also demanded: ‘a new call for ubiquitous elections.’
Hernández is not penetrating to call a new election. He has tried to use the full force of the military and police investiture to vanquish any protest. Hundreds of people have been harmed and dozens killed. The numbers arise with any hour. Castillo Harry says that the same kind of hang-up used in the 1980s is now visible. In fact, Hernández’s confidant for confidence comes from the CIA-created death squad, Battalion 316. Sections of the confidence forces constant to Hernández have been entering people’s homes at night, impediment them, disintegrating them. ‘We have a vast organisation of blank comrades,’ says Castillo Harry. They ‘have been prisoner and left and are not nonetheless reported as missing.’
But matters are not wholly grave. Castillo Harry points to the sections of the confidence forces that have refused to approve with the President’s orders. Four hundred members of the chosen COBRAS special section of the police returned to their barracks. They would not fire on their associate Hondurans. Castillo Harry says that the boss privately called the fort to titillate them on. He betrothed aloft salaries and better advantages for the military if they too did his bidding. That there have been these some ‘human rights mutinies’ suggests that there is a detonate in the odious forces. There is wish here.
The United States has entirely corroborated Hernández in his campaign for re-election. Professor Dana Frank of the University of California Santa Cruz and a close spectator of Honduras told me that Trump’s Chief of Staff John Kelley was close to Hernández when he was the conduct of Homeland Security. He called Hernández a ‘good guy,’ a ‘great friend’ and pronounced that Hernández was doing a ‘magnificent job.’ Stolen election or not, Frank says, ‘Everyone knows that the US wants Hernández in energy no matter what.’
Palmerola (Soto Cano) Air Base, in Comayagua, 50 miles northwest of the collateral Tegucigalpa, is one of the few major US military bases in Latin America. It was set up in 1983 for the US to support its contra allies in Nicaragua and its allies in the Honduran military. It is pronounced in Honduras that the US actively participated in the manoeuvre against President Zelaya in 2009 since his bulletin enclosed the closure of this base. It should be forked out that the US has directly intervened in the Honduras several times to strengthen its interests: in 1903, 1907, 1911, 1912, 1919, 1920, 1924 and 1925. Since the 1980s, however, it has relied on accessible people in the Honduran military and in the Honduran gentlefolk to do its bidding. No consternation then that the US is penetrating to keep the gentlefolk in energy rather than concede left-leaning Nasralla and his renouned fondness to take office.
Castillo Harry is on debate of the United States to pronounce out about the stolen election. He is being assimilated by mayors of several cities in Honduras, including Mayor Jose Arnold Avelar Hernandez, who is a heading member of La Alianza de Oposición contra la Dictadura. They would like the people of the United States to safeguard that the Trump administration not be allowed to countenance the stolen election. Heide Fulton, the top US diplomat in Honduras, pronounced that the US ‘is prepared to work with whomever is the winner.’ The problem is that in a stolen election, the leader did not indispensably win.
Dario Euraque, who was in the cupboard of the deposed supervision of Zelaya, told me that there is ‘extreme anger, unhappiness and hope’ in the country. Hope comes from the ‘mobilizations and creativity of the people despite the hang-up and isolation.’ These protests are indeed continuing. Frank agrees, ‘The stream protests build on deep, dauntless commitments on the partial of typical Hondurans.’ Castillo Harry says that these protests are ‘in the hands of the village formed organizations.’ This element, he says, did not exist so dynamically in 2009 to urge the supervision against the coup. Today, he says, there are some-more than 134 places around the country held by the resistance, with immature people in the lead. Almost all those who have been killed are immature activists.
‘Only the people save the people,’ Castillo Harry says, repeating a aphorism that has seemed in the protests. The walls of cities and towns in Honduras have been embellished with the orchid, the inhabitant flower. Until 1969, the inhabitant flower of Honduras was the rose, nonetheless the rose is not local to the country. The orchid however is local to Honduras. There is a elegant clarity that this criticism is of people who wish to take their country back. The stolen election is maybe the last straw.
Vijay Prashad is the Chief Editor of LeftWord Books (leftword.com) and the Director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. He is the author of 25 books, the many new ones being Red Star Over the Third World (LeftWord, 2017) and The Death of the Nation and the Future of the Arab Revolution (University of California Press, 2016)His columns seem at AlterNet every Wednesday.